The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as among the most powerful incumbents of that position in US history. While many second-in-commands were limited to minor or symbolic functions, Cheney wielded enormous influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently described as the "true president".
Bush objected to that description and said the dynamic was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, invariably calling him in public as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their association as a partnership because it implied that they were on equal footing. Despite these denials, Cheney viewed the relaxed president pliable on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
The Aftermath of 9/11
At the head of a contingent of conservative hawks that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the shooting down of any non-communicating planes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the attacks changed him, making him become determined on revenge. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Actions
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the enhanced interrogation of suspects captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on inaccurate information repeated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the proper decision to do at that time. I had faith then and I hold that view today."
Yet even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the position. "I saw, at a minimum," he wrote later "true dereliction, carelessness, and irresponsibility: potentially, lying, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had written a memorandum outlining scenarios in which US concerns might be compromised (including "availability of crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be postured to operate alone when collective action cannot be orchestrated," specifically citing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the Oval Office somewhat determined on executing what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been sacked by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of lowering America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a plot to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the largest accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his parent's face that all visitors had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
However it was Cheney who was among the most outspoken supporting attacking Iraq, consistently quoting agency briefings that were either weak or totally misleading. He backed what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the application of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that found that no valuable data had come from the harsh techniques, Cheney dismissed the findings as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to implement measures and establish initiatives to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in monikers given to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the corner that operates invisibly come out of his hole? It's a advantageous way to function, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Controversy over his corporate affiliations pursued him throughout his time as second-in-command. While he had little experience in corporate affairs but good contacts in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's running mate for the executive branch. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US contracts worth billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his period at the company increased from his $258,394 while defence secretary to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
